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Framework for the approach of the German party DIE LINKE to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

Decision of the Executive Board, 25 May 2009

In view of the Gaza war, the confusion resulting from it, that also evolved within our party, in view of the electoral victories of right-wing and far-right parties in Israel the Executive Board sees the necessity to once more set a framework for our party’s approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

As DIE LINKE sees itself as a consistent anti-war party that is fully aware of the German anti-semitic past, the Board considers as a special obligation to step up our efforts for a peaceful solution of this protracted, militarized conflict. At the same time, the internal debate on realistic possibilities of a political Left outside the conflict area to contribute to a solution must be conducted in a responsible manner.

After this seventh war, the seemingly endless spiral of violence and counter-violence must finally be broken. Only then the peoples of the Middle East will be able after decades of human suffering to build a peaceful, sustainable future.

It is our firm position that due to the terrible crimes done by Germans to Jews the Federal Republic of Germany carries a special responsibility towards Israel that cannot be reduced in any way. But because of the unique history of the state of Israel, this emerges as a double responsibility: to guarantee Israel’s right to exist and at the same time to take all efforts to secure the right of self-determination for the Palestinians in their own sovereign state. This is because the implementation of the Jewish people’s right to exist and to live in their own state, that after the trauma of the holocaust became reality in May 1948, led to the trauma of expulsion of the Palestinians. This happened although the Palestinian people has no responsibility whatsoever for the tragic fate of the Jews in Germany.

A one-sided approach to the conflict is no contribution to its solution. It has proven to be  counter-productive and is therefore rejected by us.

Our yardstick remains international law, especially the relevant UN Security Council resolutions and the Geneva Human Rights Conventions to which all states and conflict parties must adhere to. Nobody has the right to place himself above them and to act according to self-made standards.

The board once more declares: There can be no military solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Any such attempt will be strictly condemned by us. It will only increase enmities and a return to force by both sides, leading to the most blatant violation of human rights.

A principle turn of events is only possible through serious, results-oriented negations which include all parties to the conflict. That is what has been missing in the past. Urgently needed is the active participation of the international community, especially of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. It is particularly up to the USA and the UN to play a mediating role based on international law. The EU and the Federal Republic of Germany must not limit themselves to financial support for the Palestinians, no matter the volume, because this support is also consolidating the occupation system. For historic reasons and as geographical neighbours, the EU and the Federal Republic are required to actively contribute to a peaceful, permanent conflict resolution.

A lasting regulation of the conflict can only be reached, if

  1. the two-states-solution framed by the UN will be implemented on the territory of historic Palestine;
  2. a completely sovereign Palestinian state in the borders of 1967, i.e. in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip with East Jerusalem as its capital is established, including the possibility for amicable exchanges of territory;
  3. this state is economically and socially viable and exercises full control over land, water and air space, over its own resources as well as over internal and trans-border traffic of persons and goods, including the existence of a reliable corridor between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank;
  4. the bilateral acknowledgement of the right to exist of both states – Israel and Palestine – with their respective borders is anchored in international law and internationally recognized, and if the Palestinian refugee issue is regulated in cooperation with the neighbouring Arab states on the basis of UN resolution 194.

As first necessary steps on this road we view

  1. an immediate halt of the construction and the withdrawal of Jewish settlements within the West Bank and the land expropriations that come with it, as well as a halt of the current massive destruction of Palestinian houses in East Jerusalem;
  2. the cessation of Palestinian rocket fire on civilian targets in Israel and Israeli military attacks on Palestinian territory;
  3. an end to Israel’s occupation policies, the opening of the borders to the Gaza Strip and the deconstruction of the 650 road blocks within the occupied Palestinian territories that severely hamper traffic of persons and goods;
  4. the immediate stop of the construction of the Israeli wall on Palestinian territory and its withdrawal on Israeli territory according to the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice of 2004;
  5. the release of the political prisoners on both sides, i.e. of the kidnapped Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit as well as the 40 Palestinian Legislative Council members and the majority of the more than 8,000 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails;
  6. national reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas in the form of a Palestinian unity government that will be recognized as negotiating partner by the USA, the EU and other Western states;
  7. an international investigation of Israeli warfare in the Gaza war and the prosecution of the persons responsible.

Considering the special responsibility towards Israel resulting from German history, nobody can dispute our right to criticize Israeli policies that definitely contradict international law and universal human rights. But if such criticism of Israel’s policies is mixed up with anti-Jewish images and stereotypes – no matter by whom, in Germany or abroad – we strongly reject this. This includes in particular any comparison with the holocaust. Criticism of Israel must never be anti-semitic. Anti-semitism is not a form of political criticism; it is, like any other form of racism and xenophobia, simply inhuman. Calls for boycotting Israeli products, like they are made in the framework of the international “Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions” campaign against Israel, can – albeit for historical reasons –  not be supported by the party DIE LINKE. Rather, we call on the international community to advocate an embargo on imports of Israeli products that originate from the settlements in the Palestinian territories. This demand is in accordance with an EU decision that must be renewed and consistently implemented. A constructive contribution would, for example, be to assign Palestinian products their own “trademark” and to support international trade with such products. This way, the economic souvereignty of a Palestinian state would be internationally promoted.

The Board demands from the German government to part with its one-sided Middle East policy in favour of Israel. While cooperating with Israel, it must not ignore Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territory and ongoing settlement policies of more than four decades that contradicts international law and by excessive warfare violates international humanitarian law.

We strongly demand that Israel and other states in the region are no longer supplied with weapons and other war material. Rather, the German government and the EU should help creating the conditions for a peaceful regulation process that is consistent with international law and at last gives the Palestinians, too, their legitimate right of national self-determination. An important instrument could be the establishment of a permanent international mechanism in the form of a Middle East Peace Conference along the lines of the CSCE peace process that would include all states and parties to the conflict, including Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, Jordan, Iraq, and Iran.

We demand from the German government, to clearly advocate within the EU and in its cooperation with Israel the implementation of the UN Security Council resolutions relevant to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to unmistakably criticize any breach of international law and the universal human rights. This includes demanding abidance by the association agreement between the EU and Israel, especially its human rights clause, or even to ask for its temporary freeze in order to support the necessary search for peace in a sustainable way. Last but not least we demand to check, in which way the extensive financial means provided actually contribute to conflict resolution and peace. This support must not be subject to one-sided interests or appraisals by the West of the respective recipients’ political compliance.

Providing Palestinians living in Germany on short-term residence permits with permanent residency papers would be – in the eyes of DIE LINKE – a concrete contribution of the German government.

To enlarge and strengthen the peace camp is one of our high priorities as an anti-war party. In this regard, we offer our active support and cooperation to all civil society structures in Israel and Palestine as well as nationally and internationally.

Within all its structures, through parliamentary work and societal activities our party will do its utmost to help bring about a sustainable negotiated solution that includes all parties to the conflict with regard to the whole region. All party organizations are called upon to contribute with creative ideas and to make proposals for their respective area of activity: from town twinnings, family partnerships, youth exchange and women networks to joint cultural, artistic and scientific projects, both with Israel and the Palestinian territories.